Terri writes:
It’s time for Western feminists (whether male or female) to bring some clarity to the debate about the burka. The task of so doing is made more difficult by maligning feminism as a man-hating doctrine of female supremacy, or by simply regarding it as obsolete in the modern West. The debate about the burka seems to be dominated by two prevalent arguments, both stemming mainly from female Muslim academics that work and publish from posts in prominent western Universities in the United States or Western Europe. The first treats the rise of voluntary veiling in the West as a rejection of colonial influence. On this view, visible or externalized changes in the Muslim woman’s condition are interpreted as concessions to the colonizer or as attempts to emulate ‘superior’ Western foreign influences. Accordingly, the veil functions primarily as a symbol of resistance to the colonizing Western narrative of the quintessential ‘otherness’ and inferiority of Islam.
The debate is further obfuscated by a second argument – that the veil is a form of resistance to the West’s sexualization and objectification of women. On this view Western societies, no less than Islamic ones, pressure women into adopting forms of dress (and undress) that are intended to gratify the ‘male gaze’ and turn women into sex objects within patriarchal society. In this context, western women who voluntarily wear high heels, short skirts and make-up are in no position to criticise Muslim women for voluntarily wearing coverings that liberate them from these forms of sexist oppression.
In response to the first argument, it should be obvious that to oppose aspects of Islam that have institutionalized a gender hierarchy and silenced voices of equity for women is not to (mis)represent Islam per se as ‘inferior’. Western liberals and feminists have had their own battle with Christian sexism, and it is far from over. To think that criticising Islamic sexism is the same as representing Islam per se as inferior would imply that any critique of Islamic sexism is tantamount to a blanket rejection of Islam, or a refusal to acknowledge its complexity. All but the most obtuse Westerners recognise that there are divergent beliefs within Islam about the practice of veiling or burka and that many Muslims have argued for its abolition. Moreover, many Western critics of Islam think that it is equally, not more, sexist and irrational than Western religious traditions. Nor do Western feminists (male or female) believe that feminism is a particularly Western phenomenon. Many people from all over the globe view women’s rights as human rights, as evidenced by the signatories to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, many of who were from Islamic nations.
The desire to engage with Islam in critical argument and debate is not a form of disrespect but of esteem. Westerners who refuse to do so patronise Muslims and hypocritically endorse anti-sexist views only when it is ‘politically correct’ to do so. Not only are they fair weather feminists, they also treat Islam with a special sensitivity that they do not grant to other religions, not because they respect Islamic sexism, but because they are reluctant to be labelled “Islamophobic” or “racist” (since any criticism of Islamic sexism is likely to be misrepresented as such). Concern, rather than indifference to, the plight of women living under Shari’a law in sexist theocracies is anything but racism. In expressing concern for these women, we are not assuming Western culture’s superiority over Islamic culture, but feminism’s superiority over sexism -- a view that is exclusive to no particular culture and is certainly not absent from Islamic culture and religion. Indifference to the fate of women from other cultural or religious backgrounds is far more racist than expressing solidarity with them in their struggle for human rights.
The second obfuscating argument (above) assumes that western feminists (a) do not oppose the sexualization of the female body within their own culture and so have no right to talk about it in other cultures, and (b) cannot be ‘good’ feminists if they regard the (shame-free) sexualization of the female body as empowering for women as autonomous sexual subjects. But worse, this argument trades on the tu coqueue ad hominem fallacy, or, in plain English, the “and that goes double for you” fallacy. The issue is not whether Western women are guilty of a similar form of acquiescence to that of Muslim women, but whether the pressure on females to acquiesce to ‘feminine’ dress codes (in either culture) amounts to sexist oppression. Even if Western women are not fully liberated, this has no bearing on their ability to oppose forms of sexism in other cultures as well as in their own.
Moreover, the predominant theological reasoning (though not the only one) for veiling seems to be that the female body is such a powerful sexual object that nothing short of covering it can prevent men from molesting it. According to the Hadith (or poor interpretations of it) the female body is so fetishised or hyper-sexualized that it is literally irresistible. In this light it is quite rich to accuse Westerners of inventing the practice of sexualizing the female body or turning it into an object. To those who argue that this is a misinterpretation of Islam, I avert to this statement by Australia’s senior Islamic cleric, Sheik Taj Aldin as-Hilali, hardly a minor figure of no influence: “If you take out uncovered meat and place it outside. . . without cover, and the cats come to eat it. . . whose fault is it, the cats’ or the uncovered meat’s? The uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab, no problem would have occurred.”
However, some westernized Muslim academics deny that the veil has any primary theological significance and instead claim that it is imbued with powerful symbolism by Western colonialism. Yet the discourse vacillates between this claim and the further claim that the veil has no special significance other than what the wearer intends it to mean, and so is no more than a form of personal expression. The ‘hysterical’ reactions to it are allegedly just a Western contrivance (a pretext for racist attitudes towards Muslims following 9/11).
These arguments treat the veil’s significance as completely de-contextualized from its meaning within Islamic theology. As an analogy, let’s imagine that slavery were still being practiced in the United States, but not in the UK. Now let us assume that some people of African descent living in London wished, for their own reasons, to walk around wearing shackles and loincloths. Could we really regard their doing so as bearing no symbolic relationship to the practice of slavery? Or suppose I wanted to wear a Ku Klux Klan outfit and walk around New York or a Nazi uniform and walk around London in it. Could I really expect that these clothes would have no symbolic significance beyond what I wish to give them? We need only to recall what happened when Prince Harry wore a Nazi uniform to a Halloween party to get our answer. The reason Western feminists (male or female) might object to seeing women in burkas is not that we can’t tolerate diversity, but that the burka is a symbol of patriarchal Islam’s intolerance for dissent (i.e. diversity of opinion from their own). No one can deny that Shari’a law is still enforced in approximately thirty-five nations, where some form of veiling is compulsory. In some Muslim families living in Western Europe, there are legal forms of coercion to make women conform to wearing it. This is the backdrop against which Muslims in Britain claim that wearing the burka or the veil is a ‘choice’. As such, it is an insult to the intelligence and dignity not only of Western women but Muslim women. It is also an insult to Muslim men, insofar as it treats them as fundamentally incapable of responsibility for their sexual behaviour.
Since I have the privilege of living in a liberal democracy (at least ostensibly) where women are not beaten, stoned or hung for being sexually autonomous and vocal about their opposition to sexism, I invite a lively debate on the issue. And please, when you bring it, leave out the ad hominem attacks and present a decent argument.
It’s time for Western feminists (whether male or female) to bring some clarity to the debate about the burka. The task of so doing is made more difficult by maligning feminism as a man-hating doctrine of female supremacy, or by simply regarding it as obsolete in the modern West. The debate about the burka seems to be dominated by two prevalent arguments, both stemming mainly from female Muslim academics that work and publish from posts in prominent western Universities in the United States or Western Europe. The first treats the rise of voluntary veiling in the West as a rejection of colonial influence. On this view, visible or externalized changes in the Muslim woman’s condition are interpreted as concessions to the colonizer or as attempts to emulate ‘superior’ Western foreign influences. Accordingly, the veil functions primarily as a symbol of resistance to the colonizing Western narrative of the quintessential ‘otherness’ and inferiority of Islam.
The debate is further obfuscated by a second argument – that the veil is a form of resistance to the West’s sexualization and objectification of women. On this view Western societies, no less than Islamic ones, pressure women into adopting forms of dress (and undress) that are intended to gratify the ‘male gaze’ and turn women into sex objects within patriarchal society. In this context, western women who voluntarily wear high heels, short skirts and make-up are in no position to criticise Muslim women for voluntarily wearing coverings that liberate them from these forms of sexist oppression.
In response to the first argument, it should be obvious that to oppose aspects of Islam that have institutionalized a gender hierarchy and silenced voices of equity for women is not to (mis)represent Islam per se as ‘inferior’. Western liberals and feminists have had their own battle with Christian sexism, and it is far from over. To think that criticising Islamic sexism is the same as representing Islam per se as inferior would imply that any critique of Islamic sexism is tantamount to a blanket rejection of Islam, or a refusal to acknowledge its complexity. All but the most obtuse Westerners recognise that there are divergent beliefs within Islam about the practice of veiling or burka and that many Muslims have argued for its abolition. Moreover, many Western critics of Islam think that it is equally, not more, sexist and irrational than Western religious traditions. Nor do Western feminists (male or female) believe that feminism is a particularly Western phenomenon. Many people from all over the globe view women’s rights as human rights, as evidenced by the signatories to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, many of who were from Islamic nations.
The desire to engage with Islam in critical argument and debate is not a form of disrespect but of esteem. Westerners who refuse to do so patronise Muslims and hypocritically endorse anti-sexist views only when it is ‘politically correct’ to do so. Not only are they fair weather feminists, they also treat Islam with a special sensitivity that they do not grant to other religions, not because they respect Islamic sexism, but because they are reluctant to be labelled “Islamophobic” or “racist” (since any criticism of Islamic sexism is likely to be misrepresented as such). Concern, rather than indifference to, the plight of women living under Shari’a law in sexist theocracies is anything but racism. In expressing concern for these women, we are not assuming Western culture’s superiority over Islamic culture, but feminism’s superiority over sexism -- a view that is exclusive to no particular culture and is certainly not absent from Islamic culture and religion. Indifference to the fate of women from other cultural or religious backgrounds is far more racist than expressing solidarity with them in their struggle for human rights.
The second obfuscating argument (above) assumes that western feminists (a) do not oppose the sexualization of the female body within their own culture and so have no right to talk about it in other cultures, and (b) cannot be ‘good’ feminists if they regard the (shame-free) sexualization of the female body as empowering for women as autonomous sexual subjects. But worse, this argument trades on the tu coqueue ad hominem fallacy, or, in plain English, the “and that goes double for you” fallacy. The issue is not whether Western women are guilty of a similar form of acquiescence to that of Muslim women, but whether the pressure on females to acquiesce to ‘feminine’ dress codes (in either culture) amounts to sexist oppression. Even if Western women are not fully liberated, this has no bearing on their ability to oppose forms of sexism in other cultures as well as in their own.
Moreover, the predominant theological reasoning (though not the only one) for veiling seems to be that the female body is such a powerful sexual object that nothing short of covering it can prevent men from molesting it. According to the Hadith (or poor interpretations of it) the female body is so fetishised or hyper-sexualized that it is literally irresistible. In this light it is quite rich to accuse Westerners of inventing the practice of sexualizing the female body or turning it into an object. To those who argue that this is a misinterpretation of Islam, I avert to this statement by Australia’s senior Islamic cleric, Sheik Taj Aldin as-Hilali, hardly a minor figure of no influence: “If you take out uncovered meat and place it outside. . . without cover, and the cats come to eat it. . . whose fault is it, the cats’ or the uncovered meat’s? The uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab, no problem would have occurred.”
However, some westernized Muslim academics deny that the veil has any primary theological significance and instead claim that it is imbued with powerful symbolism by Western colonialism. Yet the discourse vacillates between this claim and the further claim that the veil has no special significance other than what the wearer intends it to mean, and so is no more than a form of personal expression. The ‘hysterical’ reactions to it are allegedly just a Western contrivance (a pretext for racist attitudes towards Muslims following 9/11).
These arguments treat the veil’s significance as completely de-contextualized from its meaning within Islamic theology. As an analogy, let’s imagine that slavery were still being practiced in the United States, but not in the UK. Now let us assume that some people of African descent living in London wished, for their own reasons, to walk around wearing shackles and loincloths. Could we really regard their doing so as bearing no symbolic relationship to the practice of slavery? Or suppose I wanted to wear a Ku Klux Klan outfit and walk around New York or a Nazi uniform and walk around London in it. Could I really expect that these clothes would have no symbolic significance beyond what I wish to give them? We need only to recall what happened when Prince Harry wore a Nazi uniform to a Halloween party to get our answer. The reason Western feminists (male or female) might object to seeing women in burkas is not that we can’t tolerate diversity, but that the burka is a symbol of patriarchal Islam’s intolerance for dissent (i.e. diversity of opinion from their own). No one can deny that Shari’a law is still enforced in approximately thirty-five nations, where some form of veiling is compulsory. In some Muslim families living in Western Europe, there are legal forms of coercion to make women conform to wearing it. This is the backdrop against which Muslims in Britain claim that wearing the burka or the veil is a ‘choice’. As such, it is an insult to the intelligence and dignity not only of Western women but Muslim women. It is also an insult to Muslim men, insofar as it treats them as fundamentally incapable of responsibility for their sexual behaviour.
Since I have the privilege of living in a liberal democracy (at least ostensibly) where women are not beaten, stoned or hung for being sexually autonomous and vocal about their opposition to sexism, I invite a lively debate on the issue. And please, when you bring it, leave out the ad hominem attacks and present a decent argument.
Last edited by Admin on Thu Nov 17, 2011 2:24 am; edited 2 times in total